Number of Days Until The 2026 Midterm Electons

Tuesday, March 24, 2026

Part 2: 1820 –1849: A Nation Balancing On A Fault LIne

A Four Part Series Leading Up To American History Blogmanac's Project: The Civil War - A Daily Track For 1, 458 Days.

In our four‑part series, we now reach the moment when the United States stands at an impasse—legally, politically, socially, and economically. By 1820, slavery had become the defining sectional issue, and compromise appeared to be the only remaining tool for holding the Union together. The Missouri Compromise was conceived as a final, delicate attempt at reconciliation, a legislative patch meant to quiet a storm that had been gathering since the nation’s founding.

The Missouri Compromise of 1820 was meant to calm the crisis, but it instead marked the beginning of a more volatile era in the nation’s struggle over slavery. By admitting Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a free state, and by drawing the 36°30′ line across the Louisiana Purchase, Congress tried to impose a geographic solution on a moral and political conflict. The arrangement exposed how dependent the Union had become on maintaining a fragile equilibrium between competing systems of labor, culture, and power. Every new territory became a referendum on national identity, and every debate over expansion widened the gulf between North and South.

Throughout the 1820s and 1830s, the politics of slavery hardened. The rise of cotton transformed the Deep South into an economic powerhouse built on enslaved labor, while Northern states—though far from free of racial prejudice—moved steadily toward abolition. The abolitionist movement surged into public view, from William Lloyd Garrison’s Liberator to the formation of the American Anti‑Slavery Society, injecting moral urgency into the national conversation. Enslaved people themselves resisted through escape, rebellion, and daily acts of defiance, reminding the country that slavery was not an abstract policy debate but a lived system of oppression.

Meanwhile, Congress lurched from crisis to crisis. The gag rule of 1836 attempted to silence antislavery petitions, revealing how deeply Southern lawmakers feared public scrutiny. The annexation of Texas in 1845 and the war with Mexico reopened the territorial question with explosive force. The Wilmot Proviso—though never enacted—signaled that many Northerners would no longer accept the expansion of slavery as the price of Union. By 1850, the nation stood at another breaking point, and the Compromise of that year—admitting California as free, strengthening the Fugitive Slave Act, and reshaping territorial governance—offered not a solution but a temporary truce. The fault line running through the American republic had widened, and the next decade would determine whether it could hold.

Map illustrates the status of slavery in the United States in 1821.

United States History On This Date: March 24

1837 — Chicago Board of Trade Founded
The Chicago Board of Trade is established to standardize grain trading, laying the foundation for modern commodities markets. Its creation transforms Chicago into a major financial hub and shapes the future of futures trading in the United States.
1862 — Wendell Phillips Booed in Cincinnati
Abolitionist orator Wendell Phillips attempts to speak in Cincinnati but is met with hostility from anti‑abolition crowds. Pelted with rocks and eggs, he is forced to flee, revealing deep Northern divisions over emancipation during the Civil War.
1864 — Confederate St. Albans Raid
Confederate raiders strike St. Albans, Vermont, launching the northernmost land action of the Civil War. They rob local banks, seize over $200,000, and escape into Canada, heightening Northern fears of Confederate infiltration.
1989 — Exxon Valdez Oil Spill
The Exxon Valdez tanker runs aground in Alaska’s Prince William Sound, spilling millions of gallons of crude oil. It becomes one of the worst environmental disasters in U.S. history, prompting sweeping reforms in maritime safety and environmental policy.

Lithographic print of william w. boyington's chicago board of trade building (1882-1929), located at jackson and lasalle street, chicago, il.

Monday, March 23, 2026

Part I: 1776–1819 — The Republic’s Original Fracture: Slavery

A Four Part Series Leading Up To American History Blogmanac's Project: The Civil War - A Daily Track For 1, 458 Days. 

The Civil War did not erupt suddenly on April 12, 1861. It was the violent culmination of a national contradiction present from the moment the United States declared itself a nation. The promise of universal liberty—soaring, inspirational, world‑shaking—was never truly universal. It was conceived, interpreted, and protected as the freedom of white male property owners, even as nearly one‑fifth of the population remained enslaved. This contradiction seeped into every layer of American life: the economy that depended on enslaved labor, the politics that bent themselves around protecting it, and the culture that learned to rationalize it. The war you will begin tracking day‑by‑day in April 1861 is the final rupture of a wound that had been festering for nearly a century.

The tension was visible even in 1776. Thomas Jefferson’s original draft of the Declaration of Independence included a blistering denunciation of the slave trade, calling it a “cruel war against human nature itself.” Southern delegates, joined by northern merchants tied to the trade, forced its removal. The new nation proclaimed equality while deliberately excising the evidence of its own hypocrisy. That silence became the first stitch in a political fabric woven around compromise, avoidance, and moral evasion.

The Constitutional Convention of 1787 deepened the fracture. Delegates seeking unity crafted a document that protected slavery without naming it. The Three‑Fifths Compromise inflated southern political power by counting enslaved people as three‑fifths of a person for representation. The Constitution also required the return of fugitive enslaved people and protected the transatlantic slave trade until at least 1808. These provisions were not temporary blemishes—they were structural reinforcements of a system the Founders lacked the will to confront.

As the early republic expanded, slavery became the central axis of national politics. The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 banned slavery north of the Ohio River, establishing the first major geographic boundary between free and slave soil. Every new state threatened to upset the fragile balance in Congress. Vermont entered free in 1791; Kentucky slave in 1792. Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, Illinois, and Alabama followed, each admission prompting anxious sectional calculations.

Meanwhile, the invention of the cotton gin in 1793 transformed slavery from a declining institution into the engine of southern wealth. Cotton exports soared, enslaved labor expanded westward, and southern leaders became increasingly militant in defending the institution. Northern states, moving gradually toward abolition, grew more resistant to slavery’s spread. By the 1810s, the United States was no longer a single nation with a moral dilemma—it was two societies sharing a flag.

The breaking point came in 1819, when Missouri applied for statehood as a slave state. For the first time, Congress confronted whether slavery should expand into the vast Louisiana Purchase. The debate that followed pushed the Union to the brink and set the stage for the Missouri Compromise of 1820—the beginning of Part II, and another step toward the final eruption in 1861.

The Fayetteville, North Carolina Market House where enslaved people were sold beginning in 1838 through 1865. 

On This Date American History Blogmanac Honors Vice President Schuyler Colfax’s Birthday: From Frontier Printer to Speaker of the House and Vice President

Schuyler Colfax was born on March 23, 1823, in New York City, the posthumous son of a struggling printer. His father died before he was born, and his mother supported the family through sewing and boarding work before remarrying. When Colfax was ten, the family moved to Indiana, where he grew up amid the rough‑and‑tumble politics of the western frontier. With little formal education, he taught himself through voracious reading and early work in journalism, a path that would shape his political identity.

Colfax’s rise began in the world of newspapers. At age nineteen, he became editor of the St. Joseph Valley Register, a Whig‑leaning paper that quickly became one of the most influential voices in northern Indiana. His editorials championed internal improvements, free labor, and anti‑slavery principles, helping to shape the region’s political culture. His skill with the pen and his ability to articulate emerging northern sentiment propelled him into public life.

He entered Congress in 1855 as part of the new Republican Party, formed in opposition to the expansion of slavery. Colfax quickly distinguished himself as an energetic legislator and a gifted parliamentarian. During the Civil War, he became one of the House’s most visible leaders, known for his unwavering support of the Union cause and his close alliance with President Abraham Lincoln. In 1863, he was elected Speaker of the House, a position he held through the final years of the war and the beginning of Reconstruction.

As Speaker, Colfax presided over some of the most consequential legislation in American history, including measures supporting the war effort, the Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slavery, and early Reconstruction policies. His genial personality and reputation for fairness earned him the nickname “Smiler Colfax,” though critics sometimes accused him of excessive ambition.

In 1868, Colfax was nominated as Ulysses S. Grant’s running mate, bringing youth, political experience, and Midwestern balance to the ticket. Elected as the 17th Vice President, he served from 1869 to 1873. His vice presidency coincided with the tumultuous early years of Reconstruction, when the nation struggled to define citizenship, civil rights, and federal authority in the post‑war South. Colfax supported strong federal enforcement of civil rights protections, though his influence within the Grant administration was limited.

His political career, however, was marred by the Crédit Mobilier scandal, a major corruption investigation involving railroad construction contracts and congressional stock deals. Although Colfax denied wrongdoing, testimony implicated him in accepting stock while serving in Congress. The scandal destroyed his national standing and ended any hope of future office.

After leaving Washington, Colfax rebuilt his life as a lecturer, traveling widely and speaking on temperance, patriotism, and the lessons of the Civil War. He remained a popular public figure, admired for his oratory and his commitment to reform causes.
Schuyler Colfax died suddenly of a heart attack on January 13, 1885, while walking through a snowstorm in Mankato, Minnesota. He is buried in South Bend, Indiana, where his grave remains a reminder of a complex figure who rose from poverty to the nation’s second‑highest office.

  • Presidential Campaign 1868 Ulysses S Grant And Schulyer Colfax As The Republican Party Candidates For President And Vice-President On A Lithograph Campaign Poster Of 1868

United States History on this Date: March 23

1775 — Patrick Henry Declares “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!”
At the Second Virginia Convention in Richmond, Patrick Henry delivered his electrifying call for resistance to British rule, urging Virginians to prepare for war and helping galvanize revolutionary sentiment.
1806 — Lewis and Clark Depart Fort Clatsop for the Return Journey
After a harsh winter on the Pacific Coast, the Corps of Discovery left Fort Clatsop and began their long eastward trek home, carrying maps, journals, and scientific observations that would reshape American understanding of the West.
1857 — Elisha Otis Installs the First Commercial Elevator
Inventor Elisha Otis installed his pioneering safety‑equipped elevator in a New York City department store, a breakthrough that made tall commercial buildings practical and helped launch the age of vertical urban architecture.
1839 — “OK” Enters the American Vernacular
The abbreviation “OK” appeared in print and began spreading across the United States, eventually becoming one of the most widely recognized and used expressions in American English.

"Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!"–Patrick Henry delivering his great speech on March 23rd, 1775


Sunday, March 22, 2026

A Daily Civil War Tracker Project Preamble to the Four Part Series On Slavery As An Issue Leading To Civil War

As we approach the launch of two major historical projects — the four‑part series on American slavery beginning Monday, March 23rd, 2026, and the Daily Civil War Tracker commencing April 12th at 4:30 a.m. — it is essential to ground readers in the long arc that connects them. The story of the first enslaved Africans who arrived in 1619 is not merely a prelude to the Revolution or a distant prologue to the Civil War; it is the thread that binds these eras together. From that first landing at Point Comfort through the century and a half that followed, the institution of slavery shaped the colonies’ economic foundations, social hierarchies, and political contradictions. By the time colonial independence was claimed in 1776, the ideals of liberty and equality were already shadowed by a system that denied both to nearly half a million people. This preamble sets the stage for the deeper exploration to come — tracing how slavery evolved, hardened, and ultimately helped drive the nation toward the crisis that will unfold day by day in the Civil War Tracker.

In late August 1619, an English privateer, the White Lion, sailed into Point Comfort in the fledgling Virginia colony. Aboard were “20 and odd Negroes,” captured from a Portuguese slave ship. They were traded for food and supplies, becoming the first recorded Africans to arrive in English North America. Their landing did not immediately create a system of racial slavery, but it marked the beginning of a transformation that would shape the continent’s social, economic, and political life for the next century and a half.

In the early decades, the status of Africans in Virginia was fluid. Some were treated as indentured servants, able to earn freedom, own land, and even sue in court. But by the mid‑1600s, the colony’s leaders began codifying race-based slavery into law. A series of statutes in the 1660s and 1670s declared that Africans and their descendants were enslaved for life, that the condition of slavery followed the mother, and that baptism did not alter one’s bondage. What began as an improvised labor arrangement hardened into a hereditary caste system.

As tobacco cultivation expanded, so did the demand for enslaved labor. By 1700, thousands of Africans were being imported annually into the Chesapeake. The brutal Middle Passage became a defining feature of the Atlantic world, binding the economies of Europe, Africa, and the Americas together in a system of exploitation. Enslaved people built plantations, worked ports, tended livestock, and performed skilled labor that underpinned the colonial economy.

Slavery spread beyond Virginia. Maryland, the Carolinas, and Georgia developed plantation systems centered on tobacco, rice, and indigo. In the North, slavery took different forms — smaller in scale but deeply embedded in urban trades, maritime industries, and household labor. By the mid‑18th century, slavery was a national institution, not a regional one.

At the same time, enslaved Africans and their descendants forged resilient cultures, blending African traditions with new American realities. They resisted through sabotage, escape, and rebellion — from the Stono uprising in South Carolina (1739) to countless acts of quiet defiance.

By 1776, when the colonies declared independence, slavery was both a contradiction and a cornerstone of American life. The ideals of liberty and equality stood in stark tension with the lived reality of nearly half a million enslaved people. The story that began with the White Lion in 1619 had become inseparable from the story of the nation itself — a legacy the Revolution would challenge but not resolve.


United States History On This Date: March 22

1765 — Parliament Passes the Stamp Act

The British Parliament approved the Stamp Act, imposing the first direct tax on the American colonies. The measure sparked widespread protest, uniting merchants, printers, and political leaders in opposition and helping lay the groundwork for the revolutionary movement that followed.
1621 — Pilgrims and Wampanoags Sign Peace Treaty
At Plymouth, Governor John Carver and Wampanoag sachem Massasoit agreed to a mutual defense pact. The treaty, facilitated by Squanto, established a fragile but significant period of cooperation between the English settlers and the Wampanoag people.
1820 — Naval Hero Stephen Decatur Killed in Duel
U.S. Navy officer Stephen Decatur, celebrated for his exploits in the Barbary Wars, was mortally wounded in a duel with fellow officer James Barron. The confrontation stemmed from long‑standing professional grievances and shocked the young nation.
1893 — First Women’s College Basketball Game Played
Smith College hosted the first women’s intercollegiate basketball game, with sophomores defeating freshmen 5–4. The event marked an early milestone in women’s athletics and helped establish basketball as a popular sport for women in American colleges.

Commodore Steven Decatur lies dying after his duel with Commodore James Barron in Colmar Manor, Maryland


Saturday, March 21, 2026

United States History On This Date: March 21

1871 — Stanley Begins Search for Dr. Livingstone
Journalist Henry Morton Stanley departed New York for Africa on a mission funded by the New York Herald to locate missing explorer David Livingstone. His journey became one of the most famous episodes in 19th‑century exploration and international reporting.
1963 — Alcatraz Federal Prison Closes
The federal penitentiary on Alcatraz Island officially shut down after nearly three decades of housing some of America’s most notorious inmates. High operating costs and deteriorating facilities led the government to end its use as a maximum‑security prison.
1965 — Martin Luther King Jr. Begins Selma‑to‑Montgomery March
After two earlier attempts were blocked, Dr. King and thousands of supporters began the successful Selma‑to‑Montgomery voting‑rights march. Their peaceful demonstration drew national attention and helped build momentum for passage of the Voting Rights Act.
1980 — President Carter Announces Olympic Boycott
President Jimmy Carter declared that the United States would boycott the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The decision sparked intense debate and led dozens of allied nations to join the boycott.

Civil rights leader the Rev.. Martin Luther King Jr. and wife Coretta Scott King (center right, hand in hand) lead others during the Selma to Montgomery marches held in support of voter rights in Alabama, late March 1965.

Friday, March 20, 2026

Truman's Conscience American History Blogmanac Mission Statement Revisited 2026

Welcome to Truman’s Conscience American History Blogmanac.  As a public school teacher that has taught World & American history for the past 20 years I have been an off and on again custodian of this small humble effort to share my all consuming love for the historical arc of the United States.  I am forever drawn to its promise and call for every citizen to contribute to the American community to further the ideals called for in it’s Declaration of Independence and Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address.  This coming academic year I will be starting my 21st and last year before retirement and that drive to consume myself in passing of that love to my students will take on a fresh effort as it does every year with the promise of  young minds open to learning just what the promise of the United States of America is historically, politically, socially, and economically.


The most admired historical American figure for me is the brother of our 35th President, Senator Robert F. Kennedy.  I was a 13 year old high school student the year he was assassinated.  I remember to this day how the news affected my mother as she awakened me shortly after midnight of June 5th, 1968.  She was visibly upset and crying telling me to go watch the news coverage of the assassination attempt as it was a point in our history I should never forget.  She talked to me later that morning about the loss she felt after the loss of John F. Kennedy in 1963 and now Senator Robert Kennedy who she felt was so full of promise and hope like his older brother.  My father, who was away on an overseas cruise in the navy, related to me the very same feelings of disappointment and a feeling that our country was so much less without him.  My father passed on his sense of love for his country and the promise its arc of history gave us.
 
I read a speech by RFK in my college years where he once talked of that promise and the light our nation’s ideals, though woefully unrealized, offered to not only its citizens but to the rest of the world as well.  He felt it was his duty to be one of the many custodians of that promise and light our country offered and gave his life for that belief.  My blog of American History is a reflection of that custodianship, though a small and humble one.  This is an invitation to join me as we explore where we have been, our mistakes, and the things we have done right to further what Jefferson called for to guarantee every citizen no matter what their station in life an, “….unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”  Come join us.
 
American History Blogmanac will be here.

The Turning Point: How 1934 Began the Reversal of Allotment‑Era Policy - Indian Affairs

By March 1934, federal Indian policy was at a breaking point. Nearly half a century of allotment‑era policies, launched under the Dawes Act of 1887, had devastated Native nations. Communal lands had been carved into individual parcels, “surplus” lands sold to non‑Indians, and tribal governments weakened or dismantled. The results were catastrophic: widespread poverty, land loss, cultural suppression, and federal mismanagement. The Meriam Report of 1928, commissioned by Congress, exposed these failures in stark detail, describing reservation conditions as economically unsustainable and morally indefensible.

When Franklin D. Roosevelt entered office in 1933, his administration sought sweeping reforms across federal policy—including Indian affairs. Roosevelt appointed John Collier as Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a longtime critic of allotment and advocate for tribal cultural survival. Collier envisioned what he called an “Indian New Deal”, a program that would restore tribal self‑government, halt land loss, and rebuild Native economies.

On March 20, 1934, Collier’s reform blueprint was circulating through congressional committees, gaining shape as the bill that would become the Indian Reorganization Act. Lawmakers debated how far the federal government should go in reversing decades of assimilationist policy. Early drafts proposed ending allotment entirely, restoring surplus lands to tribes, creating a revolving credit fund for tribal development, and encouraging tribes to adopt written constitutions—provisions that would survive into the final act.

The discussions that spring marked a turning point: for the first time since the 19th century, federal policy was shifting toward tribal sovereignty rather than away from it. By June, Congress would pass the IRA, formally ending allotment and laying the foundation for modern tribal self‑government. But the intellectual and political momentum behind that transformation was already fully underway on March 20, 1934—when the United States began, however imperfectly, to reverse one of the most damaging eras in Native American history.

John Collier, commissioner of Indian affairs from 1933 to 1945, defends the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) in Congress